Group 42-Sells Out! - The Information Archive/Group 42 Sells Out (Group 42) (1996).iso/misc/monroe.txt

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                                      1823

                         AMERICAN HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS

                              THE MONROE DOCTRINE

  At the proposal of the Russian imperial government made through
the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and
instructions have been transmitted to the Minister of the United
States at St. Petersburgh, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the
respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest
coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his
Imperial Majesty to the government of Great Britain, which has
likewise been acceded to. The government of the United States has been
desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great
value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the
emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with
his government. In the discussions to which this interest has given
rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the
occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which
the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the
American continents, by the free and independent condition which
they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
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  It was stated at the commencement of the last session, that a
great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal, to improve the
condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be
conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked,
that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then
anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we
have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have
always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the
United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the
liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the
Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to
themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
policy, so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously
menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence.
With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more
immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all
enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the
allied powers is essentially different, in this respect from that of
America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their
respective governments. And to the defence of out own, which has
been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured
by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we
have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe
it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should
consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any
portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With
the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have
not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments
who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose
independence we have, on great consideration, and on just
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for
the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner,
their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United
States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we
declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to
this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change
shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of
this government, shall make a corresponding change, on the part of the
United States, indispensable to their security.
  The late events in Spain and Portugal, shew that Europe is still
unsettled. Of this important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced
than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any
principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed, by force, in
the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition
may be carried, on the same principle, is a question, to which all
independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are
interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the
United States. Our policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at
an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of
the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere
in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the
government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to
cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those
relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all
instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from
none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are
eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the
allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of
either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness: nor can
any one believe that our Southern Brethren, if left to themselves,
would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible,
therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with
indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources
of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each
other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is
still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to
themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.